What Ukraine and Europe see in America's 250th anniversary

New Eastern Europe
What Ukraine and Europe see in America's 250th anniversary

As the United States marks 250 years of independence, Kyiv and European capitals are watching the celebration with a mix of admiration and alarm. What they see in America's jubilee says as much about the state of the West as about 1776.

On July 4th 2026, America will celebrate 250 years of independence — a milestone that no other constitutional democracy in modern history has reached with its founding document intact. For Ukraine and Europe, watching from across the Atlantic, this semiquincentennial is not merely an American occasion. Instead, it is a reminder that the political experiment launched in Philadelphia in 1776 has proven more durable than its critics in every generation predicted. That durability matters now more than ever for the entire world.

A mirror of American ideals is being tested in Ukraine

For Ukraine, the 250th anniversary is not background noise – it is a reference point. The brutal Russian war against Ukraine is still dragging on. At its core it is a war for the values that the United States Declaration of Independence once put into words: sovereignty, self-determination, the right to resist tyranny. Kyiv does not see July 4th as a distant abstraction. It reads it as a description of what Ukrainians are doing right now.

What Ukraine sees in this jubilee, above all, is recognition of the common values that created the western democracies, which Ukraine wishes to join as a full member. No country in the world has staked more on the proposition that the principles of 1776 still mean something in 2026.

Ukraine's soldiers are not fighting for territory alone. They are fighting for the idea that borders matter, that sovereignty and the fate of the people who live under it are not negotiable, and that an empire cannot simply absorb a neighbouring nation by force. In that sense, Ukraine may be the most Jeffersonian country on the planet today, defending, at enormous cost, precisely the principles that Philadelphia enshrined on the battlefield.

This is also why Ukrainians follow American politics so closely, not out of dependence, but out of genuine belief that the United States remains the most important guarantor of the order those principles created. The anniversary raises a question Kyiv asks not with bitterness but with urgency: are American founding principles still American foreign policy? After the heroic resistance against Russian aggression in 2014 and the beginning of the full-scale war in 2022, Ukraine became the country most invested in the success of American ideas and values in the entire world. No doubt, Ukraine’s fate is decided by Ukraine’s army, but the West can still push Moscow closer to ending the hostilities, and the United States cannot stand aside.

Only recently, more than a year and a half into the second Trump administration, support for Ukraine has regained momentum. In fact, much of this momentum came from the US Congress, which moved with notable purpose. In June, the House opened the way for the bipartisan Ukraine Support Act, authorizing eight billion US dollars in military financing, extending the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative (USAI) through 2027, and strengthening sanctions on Russia. The Senate Armed Services Committee has gone further, proposing an extension to USAI through 2029 with up to 750 million dollars annually, all while explicitly reaffirming that Crimea and other occupied territories remain part of Ukraine.

Support for Ukraine has also become inseparable from American strategic self-interest — financing US defence production lines, replenishing stockpiles, and sustaining the industrial base on which future deterrence depends. Even the US Secretary of State Marco Rubio has described Russia's invasion as a "strategic disaster" for the Kremlin, confirming that a previously delayed 400-million-dollar USAI package is moving forward. The United States, in other words, has not left the room.

From Kyiv’s perspective, these developments suggest that America's 250th anniversary should not be read solely through the words of a single administration. The deeper question is whether the constitutional and political system created earlier still has the capacity to translate enduring principles into durable foreign policy decisions and not to change course every four years. 

The increasingly active role of Congress, together with sustained support from the US defence establishment, suggests that the answer remains more encouraging than recent headlines alone might imply.


Ukraine stands for a just peace, not the logic of empire and spheres of influence

Ukraine does not ask for a ceasefire. It asks for a just peace — and the distinction matters enormously on America's 250th anniversary. The Declaration of Independence was not a document of pragmatic accommodation. It was a refusal to accept that power determines legitimacy. Russia's vision of peace is precisely the opposite: what its forces hold, it keeps; what it demands, it receives.

This is the logic of the empire, not of 1776. A frozen conflict on Moscow's terms would not end the war — it would reward the aggressor and legalize the annexation of sovereign territory by force. Ukraine understands this. That is why Kyiv insists on a peace grounded in international law, not in the geography of Russian tanks. To accept otherwise would be to concede that the strong do what they will and the weak suffer what they must — a principle that the Founders of 1776 explicitly went to war to reject.

American foreign policy traditions reconsidered

There is a deeper irony here that America's jubilee forces into the open. For two and a half centuries, the United States consistently opposed the idea that great powers have the right to divide the world into spheres of influence, from Wilson's Fourteen Points to Reagan's support for those resisting Soviet domination.

What Russia’s most recent proposals include today regarding the desire to talk only after Ukrainian troops leave eastern Ukraine is more than just nonsense. It will look like a settlement that grants Moscow a permanent veto over Ukraine's sovereign choices and will resemble precisely the structure that American foreign policy spent generations dismantling.

Ukraine's desire and collective demand for western capitals to help achieve a just peace is not a Ukrainian invention. In retrospect, it is an American inheritance. The country that declared in 1776 that all peoples are granted inalienable rights cannot, in 2026, stand aside over a peace deal that denies those rights to Ukrainians without contradicting its own founding declaration.

Vladyslav Faraponov is the President of the Kyiv-based Institute of American Studies